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No one contests that, under the Roe framework, the State, in order to — Roe v. Wade

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"No one contests that, under the Roe framework, the State, in order to promote its interest in potential human life, may regulate and even proscribe nontherapeutic abortions once the fetus becomes viable. Roe, 410 U.S. at 410 U. S. 164-165. If, as the plurality appears to hold, the testing provision simply requires a physician to use appropriate and medically sound tests to determine whether the fetus is actually viable when the estimated gestational age is greater than 20 weeks (and therefore within what the District Court found to be the margin of error for viability, ante at 492 U. S. 515-516), then I see little or no conflict with Roe. [Footnote 2/5] Nothing in Roe, or any of its progeny, holds that a State may not effectuate its compelling interest in the potential life of a viable fetus by seeking to ensure that no viable fetus is mistakenly aborted because of the inherent lack of precision in estimates of gestational age. A requirement that a physician make a finding of viability, one way or the other, for every fetus that falls within the range of possible viability does no more than preserve the States recognized authority. Although, as the plurality correctly points out, such a testing requirement would have the effect of imposing additional costs on second-trimester abortions where the tests indicated that the fetus was not viable, these costs would be merely incidental to, and a necessary accommodation of, the States unquestioned right to prohibit nontherapeutic abortions after the point of viability. In short, the testing provision, as construed by the plurality, is consistent with the Roe framework, and could be upheld effortlessly under current doctrine. [Footnote 2/6]"
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Roe v. Wade
Roe v. Wade
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Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973), was a landmark decision of the U.S. Supreme Court in which the Court ruled that the Constitution of the United States protected the right of pregnant women to choose to have an abortion before the point of fetal viability. The decision struck down many state abortion laws, and it sparked an ongoing abortion debate in the United States about whether, or to what ext

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"There is a second and even more significant difficulty with the judicial activism claim. It is true that there is a sense in which Roe rests on a contested moral premise. It is not true, however, that the Roe Court made this moral judgment for the entire country. Rather, the central holding of Roe is that the judgment should be made by individual women and by their doctors. It is in that sense that the judicial activism claim misfires. An analogy to religious liberty may make the point more clearly. In contemporary America, there is moral disagreement about the nature of God. If we were to settle this debate collectively and choose an established religion for everyone, I suppose that it would be better for the legislature rather than the Court to choose the religion. But, of course, the matter should not be settled collectively. It is better to allow each person to decide the question for himself instead of imposing either a judicial or a legislative collective decision on everyone. When the Supreme Court enforces the religious liberty clauses of the first amendment, it is not deciding a moral question about the nature of God. Instead, it is allowing individuals to decide the question for themselves. Similarly, if we were to make a collective decision about abortion, the decision should be made democratically through the political process, and it would be indefensible judicial activism for the Court to impose its views on everyone else. But it does not follow that the decision ought to be made collectively. When the Supreme Court decided Roe v. Wade, it was not making a moral judgment about abortion for everyone any more than it decides the truth of different religions for everyone when it enforces the free exercise clause. Instead, the Roe Court opted for individual decision making about the nature of God when it enforces the first amendment."
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Roe v. Wade
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"[W]hether or not there was any record, Weddington’s arguments made a definite impact. After seventeen minutes of the first argument in Roe, with only a few minor questions to Weddington, Justice Stewart broke in to ask a question and prefaced it by saying, “so far on the merits, you’ve told us about the important impact of this law, and you made a very eloquent policy argument against” the Texas law. This may have been the most important moment in the first round of arguments, perhaps in both rounds."
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Roe v. Wade
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"Within hours after the decision was announced, District Attorney Henry Wade called a press conference at which he rather jubilantly announced: “Apparently, we’re still free to try them, so we’ll do just that.” He was referring to the fact that the Fifth Circuit Court had refused Coffee and Weddington’s request for an injunction ordering him to stop enforcing the abortion law. In effect, Wade was issuing an open invitation to the Dallas Country police to crack down on illegal abortion. Furthermore, the example set by his office would be followed by district attorneys across the state of Texas. The next day, Texas Attorney General Crawford Martin held a press conference in Austin to announce that the state would appeal the Dallas decision. In a way, Martin’s reaction was more understandable than Wade’s. The attorney general ‘s office at least had built its case around its moral opposition to abortion; Wade’s reaction appeared to have more to do with protecting his image as a tough law enforcer than anything else since, like law enforcement officials across the country, he had been less than diligent for years about enforcing the abortion law. About a year earlier, though the situation had changed when a federal judge had overturned the Washington, D.C., abortion law, and the nation’s capital had become an abortion capital overnight, providing abortions not only to women who lived in the district, but also to women from all over the country. District Attorney Wade had no intention of letting that happen on his turf."
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Roe v. Wade
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"While amici contend that to receive proper medical care in the form of an abortion approved and performed by a physician is, by itself, a fundamental interest protected by the Constitution, it is not necessary for abortion to be declared a constitutional right to hold that its discriminatory denial violates guarantees of equal protection. The State of Texas has prohibited all abortions except for “the purpose of saving the mother’s life.” On its face, this permits treatment in the case of all women whose lives are similarly endangered, and excludes from treatment all others."
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Roe v. Wade