Harold Macmillan

"We must rely on the power of the nuclear deterrent or we must throw up the sponge. (1957)Force V: The history of Britains airborne deterrent, by Andrew Brookes. Janes Publishing Co Ltd; First Edition 1 Jan. 1982, , p.69."

"Its a good thing to be laughed at. Its better than to be ignored."

"We do not intend to part from the Americans and we do not intend to be satellites. I am sure they do not want us to be so. The stronger we are, the better partners we shall be; and I feel certain that as the months pass we shall draw continually closer together with mutual confidence and respect."

"Id like that translated, if I may."

"So there you are – you can see what it is like. The cameras hot, probing eye, these monstrous machines and their attendants – a kind of twentieth century torture chamber, thats what it is. But I must try to forget about that, and imagine that you are sitting here in the room with me."

"It is always a matter of regret from the personal point of view when divergences arise between colleagues, but it is the team that matters and not the individual, and I am quite happy about the strength and the power of the team, and so I thought the best thing to do was to settle up these little local difficulties, and then turn to the wider vision of the Commonwealth."

"Forever poised between a cliché and an indiscretion."

"It is very common with individuals or estates when they run into financial difficulties, to find that they have to sell some of their assets. First, the Georgian silver goes, then all that nice furniture that used to be in the saloon. Then the Canalettos go."

"This divide between the American and British attitudes to diplomacy was not absolute, of course. Diplomats on both sides were skeptical about letting their leaders loose at the summit, and not all Americans believed that dialogue with the Soviets was pointless. But Republican exploitation of the Cold War and of the Yalta myths made it particularly difficult for U.S. policymakers to show much flexibility in the 1950s, whatever their inclinations. Consequently the initiative for summitry tended to come from Europe. On the Western side in the late 1950s it was Harold Macmillan, the British prime minister, who made the run for a summit— rather surprisingly, it might seem, considering his past. In 1938 he had been one of the few Tory opponents of Munich. He felt Yalta had been “a failure and a disaster” because “in an atmosphere of fervid rush and hurry, vast decisions were reached in a few crowded days.” And he noted in his diary in February 1957, weeks after taking office: “I am said to have lost touch with public opinion in England because I have not already set out for Moscow to see Khrushchev. All this is pure Chamberlainism. It is raining umbrellas.” But, as Churchill once observed, “how much more attractive a top-level meeting seems when one has reached the top!” Once into his stride as premier, Macmillan saw the political benefits of summitry and in February 1959 he contrived a personal visit to Moscow. Politically the trip was a great success, helping Macmillan win an election by a landslide later that year. But Britain, like France, was no longer a serious presence at the top table. The real momentum for a summit in the late 1950s came not from Western capitals but from the Kremlin."

"It breaks my heart to see (I cant interfere or do anything at my age) what is happening in our country today – this terrible strike of the best men in the world, who beat the Kaisers army and beat Hitlers army, and never gave in. Pointless, endless. We cant afford that kind of thing. And then this growing division which the noble Lord who has just spoken mentioned, of a comparatively prosperous south, and an ailing north and midlands. That cant go on."

"The most striking of all the impressions I have formed since I left London a month ago is of the strength of this African national consciousness. In different places it may take different forms but it is happening everywhere. The wind of change is blowing through this continent. Whether we like it or not, this growth of national consciousness is a political fact. We must all accept it as a fact. Our national policies must take account of it. This means, I would judge, that we must come to terms with it. I sincerely believe that if we cannot do so we may imperil the precarious balance between East and West on which the peace of the world depends."

"So what did they do? They solemnly asked Parliament, not to approve or disapprove, but to take note of our decision. Perhaps some of the older ones among you will remember that popular song: She didnt say "Yes", she didnt say "No". She didnt say "stay", she didnt say "go". She wanted to climb, but dreaded to fall, she bided her time and clung to the wall."